LIBERALS react to the Trump candidacy with words like "hate" and "xenophobia."
"Hate," I suppose, is a code word for resisting liberal activism on LGBT. "Xenophobia" is a code word for resisting liberal policy on Muslim immigration.
Do you realize what you are communicating with words like that, liberals? You are saying that your opponents in the political arena are evil. And it does't take much of a leap from that to say that people like that shouldn't be allowed to spew their hate in the public square. In fact they probably shouldn't have a job.
And then liberals wonder why Donald Trump has emerged from nowhere to become the presumptive presidential nominee of the Republican Party.
I'm not that worried that there are partisans running around using rhetoric like that, damning their opponents as monstrous and evil. That's what partisans do.
What worries me is that this good-vs-evil rhetoric filters down to good people that don't really wish hell and damnation on anyone. But they believe what their party and opinion leaders say, and so they come to think that the folks on the other side are beyond the pale.
It all comes of believing in politics as a force (!) for good, which is what liberals think, instead of as a necessary evil, which is what conservatives think.
Government is force; politics is violence. Once you decide that some issue requires a political response and a government program, you are saying that compromise and negotiation are no good. Only a war and the sweet use of government force will resolve it. OK, you only intend a verbal war, using "activism" to raise consciousness, and you only intend to push the market to do something that it should be doing without the nudge of government. But if at first you don't succeed then, no doubt, your activists will want to up the ante a bit. And if the results aren't forthcoming then, no doubt, your legislators and regulators will want to implement an extra nudge to push things along a little.
And it's a funny thing. You don't ever see partisans and activists saying that, hey, that program hasn't worked so well, so let's revise the program and ease off the spending and the subsidy. The classic case is reported in Charles Murray's Losing Ground. Liberals instrumented their 1960s Great Society programs will all kinds of reporting (jobs for social scientists) so they could show how great they were. When the results came in showing that the programs were mostly failures, liberals did nothing. And most of the programs are still here, 50 years later.
The trouble with the program of the left, I am convinced, is not that its ideas cost a bundle, and create and underclass of women that don't marry and men that don't work. The problem is that progressive politics needs a domestic enemy to fight. Which means that progressive politics is always pushing towards civil war. The great thing about conservative politics is that its enemy (and politics must always have an enemy) is typically foreign, not domestic. So conservatives rally Americans to fight Communism and Islamism, not other Americans.
The one time that conservatives really went after a domestic enemy was in the McCarthy era, when chaps like Sen. Joseph McCarthy (R-WI) were raising consciousness about Communists in the State Department and in Hollywood and in the schools. Some Communists lost their jobs, and Alger Hiss went to jail for lying. Liberals have never let us forget it.
So going after liberals is beyond the pale, even if there actually were Communists in the State Department and some of them were actually spying for the Soviets. But conservatives? Well, no need for conservatives in the nation's universities. Because hate.
Liberals call the fight against radical Islam "xenophobia" and "Islamophobia" and blame the NRA and conservative Christians for the Orlando massacre.
Because that is what they do.
I'M lunching with a liberal friend today, and I'm thinking about what I'm going to say about Trump. What is there to say? I think the first thing is that Donald Trump has broken the Republican Party that we have had since the end of the Reagan administration. Initially, the party was inclined to concede a few things to the Democrats -- a little tax increase here, a No Child Left Behind there --...
I'VE been having an email exchange with Craig Greenman, who I emailed on a whim after reading a comment of his on NRO. Our exchange is labeled "Definition of a Conservative." His latest email puts up his definition of what progressives want to do against my definition of conservatives as not that interested in power. In Craig's formulation "both progressives and conservatives want to empower ...
I confess that George Soros is to me an enigma. On the one hand he sponsors the Open Society Foundations. On the other he funds the Democratic Party and divisive leftist groups like Black Lives Matter. On the one hand he is a speculator and an investor. On the other hand he seems to be a supporter of the bureaucratic and centralist European Union. What does George Soros want? On Friday he was ...
FIVE YEARS after Bourgeois Dignity the third and last volume of Deirdre McCloskey’s Bourgeois Trilogy, all 787 pages, has hit the UPS truck. Unfortunately, it doesn’t say anything that McCloskey hasn’t already said.
The new book is titled Bourgeois Equality: How Ideas, Not Capital and Institutions, Enriched the World. The subtitle gives the clue. The book is about defending ...
THE CONVENTIONAL WISDOM among western cultural elites is that God is dead and we are well rid of him.... more
Andrew Coulson, Market Education
How universal literacy was achieved before government education
Carl Kaestle, Pillars of the Republic
How we got our education system
James Tooley, The Miseducation of Women
How the feminists wrecked education for boys and for girls
James Tooley, Reclaiming Education
How only a market in education will provide opportunity for the poor
E.G. West, Education and the State
How education was doing fine before the government muscled in
Hernando De Soto, The Mystery of Capital
How ordinary people in the United States wrote the law during the 19th century
F. A. Hayek, Law Legislation and Liberty, Vol 1
How to build a society based upon law
Henry Maine, Ancient Law
How the movement of progressive peoples is from status to contract
John Zane, The Story of Law
How law developed from early times down to the present
James Bartholomew, The Welfare State We're In
How the welfare state makes crime, education, families, and health care worse.
David Beito, From Mutual Aid to the Welfare State
How ordinary people built a sturdy social safety net in the 19th century
David Green, Before Beveridge: Welfare Before the Welfare State
How ordinary people built themselves a sturdy safety net before the welfare state
Theda Skocpol, Diminished Democracy
How the US used to thrive under membership associations and could do again
David Stevenson, The Origins of Freemasonry
How modern freemasonry got started in Scotland
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing
How Christianity is booming in China
Finke & Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990
How the United States grew into a religious nation
Robert William Fogel, The Fourth Great Awakening and the Future of Egalitarianism
How progressives must act fast if they want to save the welfare state
David Martin, Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish
How Pentecostalism is spreading across the world
Work to restore the Road to the Middle Class. Heres how. Ground it in faith. Grade it with education. Protect it with mutual aid. Defend it with the law. more>>
The Road to the Middle Class is a journey from a world of power to a world of trust and love. In religion, it is a journey from power gods that respond to sacrifice and augury to the God who makes a covenant with mankind. In education, it is a journey from the world of the spoken word to the world of the written word. In community, it is the journey from dependence on blood kin and upon clientage under a great lord to the mutual aid and the rules of the self-governing fraternal association. In law it is the journey from the violence of force and feud to the kingŽs peace, the law of contract, and private property.
[The Axial Age] highlights the conception of a responsible self... [that] promise[s] man for the first time that he can understand the fundamental structure of reality and through salvation participate actively in it.
Robert N Bellah, "Religious Evolution", American Sociological Review, Vol. 29, No. 3.
[To make] of each individual member of the army a soldier who, in character, capability, and knowledge, is self-reliant, self-confident, dedicated, and joyful in taking responsibility [verantwortungsfreudig] as a man and a soldier. — Gen. Hans von Seeckt
MacGregor Knox, Williamson Murray, ed., The dynamics of military revolution, 1300-2050
Civil Societya complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churchesbuilds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust
[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists, she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican
[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism