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| SCOTUS: Who Will Control the Narrative? | La Donna e Mobile |
by Christopher Chantrill
July 02, 2005 at 4:29 am
OUR BELOVED American liberals are nothing if not transparent. After introducing us to the joys of racial quotas at the university and gender quotas in the firehouse now they want to impose ideological quotas on the United States Supreme Court.
But thanks to the piercing insights of postmodernismanother priceless gift to the world from liberalswe can understand what they are about. They want to preserve their power.
Liberals understand that the best they can hope for is to keep the ideological balance in the Court as it stands today, to elevate retiring Justice Sandra Day O´Connor to the status of a true conservative in the mold of Edmund Burke and to create a conventional wisdom that a sharp shift to the right on the Court would be a betrayal of Burke´s sacred memory. Thus E.J. Dionne rhapsodises about O´Connor.
She likes narrow rather than broad rulings, and dislikes abstract theories. She goes one case at a time. She´s interested in particular facts, in particular cases.
Liberals who once exulted in the sweep of cosmic principle now appreciate O´Connor´s feminine interest in the close-at-hand and her constant wrestling with small things. They see her as a bulwark against a revanchist conservative court that
will roll back the ability of elected officials to legislate in areas such as affirmative action, environmental regulation, campaign finance, and disability and labor rights.
It´s always comforting to read liberals misunderstanding what conservatives are about. What conservatives are about in the question of the Supreme Court is not the ability of elected officials to legislate. Conservatives understand that liberal elected officials live to enact comprehensive and mandatory federal programs on everything except the behavior of liberals in the bedroom. They understand and accept that. What conservatives want to roll back is the ability of unelected judges to legislate from the bench.
In the last generation the courts have arrogated to themselves the right to legislate for the legislative branch and administrate for the executive branch. They operate on the same basis as Justice O´Connor. Her one clear judicial principle was that Sandra Day O´Connor should get to decide all the important questions before the country. Conservatives think that this is wrong. It is wrong in the first place because the whole point of a limited government with separation of powers is that the legislative branch legislates, the executive branch administers, and the judicial branch judgesand not the other way around. It is wrong also for a practical reason. When judges get things wrong, when they arbitrarily take abortion out of the legislative arena thereby preventing an orderly compromise between the warring parties, or when they decide to administer school districts and then screw them up worse that the already screwed-up elected officials, what can the people do to redress their grievances?
Liberals fail to understand that their activist jurisprudence in the past half century has done enormous harm to the nation and to the edifice of law and justice itself. We can allow that their activism issued from a natural human impatience to sweep away the accumulation of oppression and injustice, especially the shameful precipitate of Negro slavery. But in this hankering for justice liberal judges succumbed again and again to the temptation to put a thumb upon the scales of justice, to make sure that it came out with the right result. It was worse than a crime, it was a blunder, and liberals have only just begun to pay for their world-historical mistake.
Sphere: Related Content |Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists, she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican
[T]he way “to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,”
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300–301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State
[In the] higher Christian churches… they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill