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Among their many inventions in their rise to greatness, the Germans invented the idea of the Pure Theory of Law. Hans Kelsen and others advanced the idea that the law was whatever the legislature said it was. Whoever has the power sets the rules. It was a necessary philosophical foundation for the governments that actually ruled in the twentieth century and wanted to be freed from the entangling myths of natural and divine law—the idea that law really could be thought to mean something transcendent beyond the fact of political power—that might limit their ability to do good. But after World War II in the Nuremberg trials, this theory was noisily struck down. The Nazi war criminals were not permitted the defense that their actions were all in accordance with law, that all they ever did was follow orders. Killing six million Jews in gas chambers, it was decided, was wrong, whatever the law said, and whoever ordered it. The heavens themselves cried out against such crimes. It was a momentous turning point in world history. It marked a concession to the main truth of blue consciousness. Power did not exhaust all truth. The mystery of justice was not after all exhausted by the idea of the General Will, advanced first by Rousseau two hundred years before. The General Will led to general genocide. There had to be something better, something higher than raw red power.
After a century of bloodshed the fantasies of the Romantic and socialist movements stand fully exposed in the light of Gravesian psychology. They thought they could build a world without rules. They were right; they could. But it would not be a world of orange creativity, or of genuine democracy free from oppression and inequality expressing a green universal human compassion. It would be a world of naked red power. That is the silent witness of the millions of the sacred dead in their mass graves upon the twentieth century. You can shout: Down with Rules! And you can abolish the rules. But you will not build a creative community of caring and sharing upon the ruin of the rules. You will only dig mass graves.
And it is not just the millions of innocents that the Romantics and the socialists had destroyed. They also destroyed themselves. In the case of the Romantic Movement, the rejection of the rules and the elevation of creativity to cult status placed impossible pressures upon the creative artist. For the denial of the rules marginalized the value of craftsmanship, devalued the years of apprenticeship and preparation, developing a myth that the work of genius should spring spontaneously from the forehead of Zeus, and not in an agony of parturition. And it insisted that art is necessarily an act of rebellion against an uncaring world, which is sophomoric rubbish. In the case of the socialist movement, the absence of the harmony of law has reduced it to an invariant rhythm track beating out an obsession with power, from Marx to Lenin to Foucault, and at the end of the twentieth century to Hardt and Negri and their Empire. Indeed, the central theme of socialism is that law and property, the beloved twins of the bourgeoisie, are nothing but masks for power behind which the bourgeoisie unfairly and cruelly imposes its class interests upon a prostrate world. The socialist never rests from piling up powers and reinforcements with which to ambush the businessman and the property owner. The socialist does not trust rules, written or unwritten. In so doing he gives up the vision of the society without oppression in which people voluntarily follow the agreed-upon rules without compulsion. The only thing left is power.
The conventional report of the last two hundred years narrates a gradual and natural secularization from a community of religious faith to a godless world of egalitarianism and individualism, as though the entire period has not been wasted by vibrant and militant faiths that have swept the world like raging epidemics. This curious situation has arisen because the Romantics and socialists who have done the scholarship and written the history of the modern era have not experienced their militant and world conquering religion as religion, but merely as “the way things are.” Religion for them is something people do in churches, not in midtown Manhattan restaurants, at meetings of political activists, and in the ivied academy.
But if we dare to challenge this solemn orthodoxy and attempt a narrative that experiences the modern era as drenched in religious enthusiasm from top to bottom, starting with the first Romantic religious cult of the avant-garde in the early nineteenth century, and followed by the world-conquering religious armies of socialism and the bloody pagan hordes of fascism, not to mention the flagellant Bolshevists, then we can also give ourselves permission to see that the period since World War II has been also a period of remarkable religious ferment right across the spectrum of consciousness, from red impulsives to blue purposives to orange creatives and green communitarians. And sneaking in the back door of the mansion out of which he/she had been sent by the secularizers is the reborn God. For “humans seek explanations about how to gain the greatest rewards and avoid the greatest costs, and it is natural that most of them will come to accept general compensators based on supernatural assumptions.” (Stark 1985 p424) We could, after Robert William Fogel, call this great spiritual awakening the Fourth Great Awakening.
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Click for Chapter 12: The Fourth Great Awakening
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©2005 Christopher Chantrill
When we began first to preach these things, the people appeared as awakened from the sleep of agesthey seemed to see for the first time that they were responsible beings...
Finke, Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990
In 1911... at least nine million of the 12 million covered by national insurance were already members of voluntary sick pay schemes. A similar proportion were also eligible for medical care.
Green, Reinventing Civil Society
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State
Law being too tenuous to rely upon in [Ulster and the Scottish borderlands], people developed patterns of settling differences by personal fighting and family feuds.
Thomas Sowell, Conquests and Cultures
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
Inquiry does not start unless there is a problem... It is the problem and its
characteristics revealed by analysis which guides one first to the relevant facts and then,
once the relevant facts are known, to the relevant hypotheses.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Logic of the Sciences and the Humanities
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Freddy Arbuthnot
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
Three dynamic and converging systems functioning as one: a democratic polity, an economy based on markets
and incentives, and a moral-cultural system which is plural and, in the largest sense, liberal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action
[In the] higher Christian churches… they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
©2007 Christopher Chantrill