Winning The Culture War

“DO WHATEVER you want,” advised the Edwardian actress Mrs. Patrick Campbell to the apprentice libertine, “But don’t frighten the horses in the street.” Perhaps the gay marriage ukase of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court and the “Super Reveal” will make placid conservative horses finally rear up in horror. And get into harness to help bring home victory in the culture war.

Victory in the culture war would be a very small thing. All we ask is for our American elite to extend a genuine tolerance to the middle class and its values. It would stop persecuting ordinary people who go to work, pay their taxes, belong to a church, follow the rules, and obey the law. It would not stigmatize such people as stupid, or easily led, or as religious bigots.

It would recoil in horror from those who would chase Christian rituals and symbols out of the public square. It would no longer celebrate an arts community that “challenged” society by attacking the cultural symbols of the middle class: marriage, children, God, fidelity, modesty, and manners. And it would not allow a determined minority to redefine the meaning of marriage. Is that so much to ask?

Fortunately, we know where our tormentors live: in the political party that has become the home of single people, cultural relativists, and secularists: the Democratic party. It is shocking, for instance, to realize just how anti-religious the Democrats have become. At the Democratic convention of 1992, Bolce and De Maio reported in The Public Interest, over half the delegates rated Christian fundamentalists on a “feeling thermometer” graduated from 0 to 100—at an ice cold zero.

How, one wonders, do they feel about ax murderers and rapists?

By comparison, the average 1992 Republican delegate rated their ideological foes—feminists, environmentalists, and prochoice groups—at 27 degrees, over half way from ice cold zero to room temperature 50.

But why should anyone be surprised? The mainstream media jumps down the throat of anyone that cocks a snook at left-wing activist, but maintains a shameful silence when religious people are attacked. According to Bolce and De Maio, that “the more attention a person pays to the national political news media, and especially to television news, the more likely is that individual to believe that Christian fundamentalists are ideologically extreme and politically militant.” Does that mean that bigots naturally gravitate to the national news media, or that the media actually teaches them to hate?

Liberals demand that we be “tolerant” of gays, lesbians, transgressive artists, secularists, and moral relativists, but ignore intolerance towards people of faith.

The culture war must be won be turning the tables on these chancers and chasing their liberal “tolerance” out of the public square. The good news is that conservatives are finding effective ways to fight back.

Conservatives are challenging liberals in the public square to demonstrate their tolerance for the conservative “other”—through the street theater of affirmative action bake sales and conservative “coming out” days on campus. Conservatives are challenging liberals to give college students full value for money and teach both sides of the story. Appropriately, it is a former leftist, David Horowitz, who has taught conservatives how to play this game.

And when liberal judges legislate a new definition of marriage from the bench, or remove “under God” from the Pledge of Allegiance and rip the Ten Commandments out of the halls of justice, they reveal more about themselves than Janet Jackson could ever do.

So conservatives are going on offense, shaming the liberals as intolerant hypocrites and exposing them to the world as extremists and anti-religious bigots that want to drive religion out of American life. Will there ever come a time when Washington Post reporters would be ashamed to write that Christians are “poor, uneducated, and easily led?” Dream on!

But as we drive back the liberals with a politics of shame, let us never forget our larger quest. For all our focus on the culture war, we want to build a political home for all Americans, from the frightened immigrant, to the stolid homeowner, to the creative entrepreneur or artist, to the compassionate communitarian. We want to build an America that provides tribal solidarity to the fearful, rules and roles for the purposeful, an open frontier for the enterprising, and a universal community for the caring.

From shabby liberal neglect we can restore the shining city on a hill to incandescent glory, and we will.

Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.

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The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness... But to make a man act [he must have] the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action
Chappies

“But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.” —Freddy Arbuthnot
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison

China and Christianity

At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing

Churches

[In the] higher Christian churches… they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm

Civil Society

“Civil Society”—a complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churches—builds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust

Class War

In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, “The Scientist as Rebel”

Conservatism

Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority — the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says ‘we should...’.
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity

Conservatism's Holy Grail

What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph

Conversion

“When we received Christ,” Phil added, “all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.”
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh

Democratic Capitalism

I mean three systems in one: a predominantly market economy; a polity respectful of the rights of the individual to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and a system of cultural institutions moved by ideals of liberty and justice for all. In short, three dynamic and converging systems functioning as one: a democratic polity, an economy based on markets and incentives, and a moral-cultural system which is plural and, in the largest sense, liberal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism

Drang nach Osten

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Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion

Education

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E. G. West, Education and the State

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