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| The Power of the Liberal Taboos | Big Ed Fights Back Against For-Profit Colleges |
by Christopher Chantrill
September 25, 2005 at 5:02 pm
A FELLOW at work recently told how his relative was planning to sue her former employer, a well-known national retailer. Suffering from a particular affliction, she frequently absented herself from work up to, and sometimes over, the limit established for leave without a doctor’s note. So her employer had fired her, but not for unexcused absence. Instead it had acted on a complaint received a while back from a customer, who had been offended by her rudeness in telling the customer that the store was closed. The injustice of it!
It is to defend such people that Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee pressed Judge Roberts to defend the peoples’ rights—fighting for the people against the powerful even when the people abuse their rights damnably. They couldn’t vote for Judge Roberts’s nomination to be Chief Justice if it seemed that he lacked a commitment to defend those rights.
So the great divide between the political parties does not turn ultimately upon the question of the right to an abortion or legislating from the bench. Those are just the topographic details of the chasm. One party believes in the sanctity of the rule of law as the arbitrator of disputes between equals. The other party believes in human rights as a defense against oppression, fighting for the people against the powerful.
Which is more important? The rule of law or the protection of the weak? It comes down to faith, not evidence. We live in a world of “events, dear boy, events,” but the events are mute, and tell us nothing until we weave them together with a narrative of theory and, when theory cannot serve, call for help from God, natural law, or history.
We cannot live a single instant without breathing meaning into the world, that is, breathing meaning for “myself” in the world. The head of the UK Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution, Sir John Lawton, declares that Hurricane Rita is very likely evidence of global warming. Pastor Jerry Falwell declares that 9/11 is God’s punishment to New York for its dissipation. Composer Aaron Copland declares that “So long as the human spirit thrives on this planet, music in some living form will accompany and sustain it and give it expressive meaning.”
Of course they do. For the environmental administrator the meaning of life is to fight environmental degradation, for the TV pastor it is to fight Satan, and for the composer it is to find meaning in music. Otherwise, what’s the point?
But suppose it is all an illusion? Suppose that the worship of the rule of law prevents society from responding in a healthy way to change? Suppose that raising human rights into a sacrament creates an underclass of shifty chiselers? Suppose that global warming is saving the planet from a new ice age? Suppose that the sinners of New York are saving us from the boredom of dull conformity? Suppose that music were a harmful aural narcotic? (No, no. Not that!)
Don’t talk about facts. It is narrative and faith that breathe meaning into human life.
We learned about the importance of illusion centuries ago in the adventures of Don Quixote, that good-natured consumer of medieval romances who believed and lived a preposterous illusion of knight-errantry. He drove his family and friends to despair as he and his servant stumbled across Spain leaving mayhem and disaster in their wake.
At last, after three grand adventures in illusion that gave entertainment to millions and livelihood to his creator, he succumbed to sickness and sanity. Suddenly emerging from years of hallucination, he charged his niece in his Will never to read a line of a book on knight-errantry, and promptly died. For after all, when illusion is dead, what’s the point?
For you avant-gardistes here’s an idea for a work of art that will surely challenge society and test the limits. A twenty-first century professor of political science builds a career researching the political tracts of the nineteenth century. Driven to madness by his obsession with extravagant nineteenth century political manifestos he determines to become a political activist and right the wrongs of the world: smite the robber barons and save the poor from starving.
But the robber barons were replaced by faceless corporate CEOs 50 years ago, his colleagues over at the Economics department insist, and today the poor are fatter than the rich. And all those manifestos were a narrative of power, his postmodernist friends in the English department waspishly sneer, an apology for the rule of the new class of educated experts.
Never mind. He would still have a grand old time tilting at windmills and mistaking sheep for vast armies.
After all, he has a right to his illusions. They might turn out to be true.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Freddy Arbuthnot
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing
[In the] higher Christian churches… they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
Civil Societya complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churchesbuilds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust
In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, The Scientist as Rebel
Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says we should....
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
I mean three systems in one: a predominantly market economy; a polity respectful of the rights of the individual to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and a system of cultural institutions moved by ideals of liberty and justice for all.
In short, three dynamic and converging systems functioning as one: a democratic polity, an economy based on markets and incentives, and a moral-cultural system which is plural and, in the largest sense, liberal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill