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| 3 Dollar Gas. An Opportunity | Democrats Look for a Big Idea |
by Christopher Chantrill
April 30, 2006 at 8:22 am
THERE’S A DIFFERENCE between the Republican Party and the Democratic Party. The Democrats are completely shameless, but the Republicans are only mostly shameless.
So the pandering to angry American gas guzzlers over the past week committed by shameless Republican officeholders was at least mitigated by the disgust of the conservative commentariat. Bob Tyrrell moaned about Republicans that “forsake their principles.” Charles Krauthammer wrote that “Nothing can match the spectacle of politicians scrambling for cover during a spike in gasoline prices” and proceeded to deliver a lesson in supply and demand. The product of economist Thomas Sowell (here) and (here) dripped with scorn and also offered an economics lesson.
But what can you do about the “unidentified woman” who complains for Hardball that “It makes me angry that the prices keep going up for no apparent reason other than the profit of the gas companies.” Honey... Oh never mind.
You would think we would get more of a return on our investment of five percent of our national product on K-12 education. Is it too much to ask of our educators that every American should grow up to understand the fundamental equation of democratic capitalism? Maybe if you scratch a teacher you will find a conspiracy theorist raging about “price gouging.”
At least President Bush had come out by the end of the week against an excess profits tax. Deep down, there seems to be in the president a well of honesty, a depth below which he will not plumb. He joined in the hypocritical demand for an investigation of price manipulations. But when it came to supporting a policy of self-harming by taxing ourselves to spank the energy companies, that’s too much.
It’s the saving grace of the Republican Party. Deep down it is a profoundly middle-class party and it really does believe in the principles of global democratic capitalism: open markets, free peoples, limited government, love, marriage, and children, and a willingness to stand up and do the difficult thing.
The Republican Party was founded to do the hard thing, to grasp the nettle of slavery and root it out. Slavery had been ubiquitious since time immemorial, but in the world of the rising middle class it became an abomination. Ever since, it has been up to the Republican Party to do the difficult thing.
It was Calvin Coolidge, “weaned on a pickle,” who did the hard thing and broke the Boston police strike with the words: “There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any time.” Then he went on to cut tax rates and bring prosperity to all.
It was Ronald Reagan, “an amiable dunce” scorned by the best and brightest, who stood at the Brandenburg Gate and said: “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” That was after he had revived the United States from the Carter “malaise” and bamboozled the Soviet Union with the strategic feint of Star Wars.
In 2001 after 9/11 it was Republican President Bush who committed the United States to attempt the thankless job of bringing the light of democratic capitalism to the region of the world that ocean navigation was invented to avoid: the Islamic Middle East.
In this noble Republican story there were but two shameful episodes: the flirtation with Progressivism at the turn of the twentieth century, and the Nixonian descent into wage-and-price controls in the 1970s.
This willingness to labor unrewarded in the vineyard is not found in the Democratic Party, the traditional home of northern rowdies and southern white racists and now the home of welfare state functionaries, rent-seekers, diversity pimps, and black racists—the single, the secular, and the government-employed.
But what has made the Democrats so completely shameless and the Republican Party only partly so?
It is the Democratic cultural power. Democrats occupy the commanding heights of the culture, from the mainstream media to the universities to the entertainment factories. In an act of cosmic folly the soldiers posted along the picket lines of the cultural heights have interpreted their job as protecting the Democrats à outrance from any attack of dastardly theocrats and neocons whether justified or not. The consequence is that Republicans always have to worry that someone ask tough questions about their hypocritical positions, but Democrats do not. It is a dreadful fate for Democrats, because it licenses them to demonstrate to the nation time after time that they should not be taken seriously.
When Republicans emit gaseous hypocrisy, some of their supporters vomit their disapproval. Even the great Rush Limbaugh may rumble his discomfort. When Democrats do the same their supporters swallow it.
So it’s OK for Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA) to present a bill on the Senate floor to “make price gouging illegal.” (Did you know that Cantwell is running for reelection this year from left-coast Washington State?) But it is not OK for Republican officeholders to do the same. Their supporters really don’t like it.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists, she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican
[T]he way “to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,”
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300–301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State
[In the] higher Christian churches… they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill