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| A Case of the Economic Shivers | The Democrats' Drive-by Politics for 2006 |
by Christopher Chantrill
June 11, 2006 at 11:16 am
THE GOOD THING about the reelection of President Bush in 2004, according to Matthew Parris this week in the London Times, is that it gave a chance for the neoconservative project to be tested to destruction. He refers to a May 2004 piece in which he wrote:
What the President and his advisers are trying to do will be a colossal failure. But failure takes time to show itself beyond contradiction. The theory that liberal values and a capitalist economic system can be spread across the world by force of arms, and that the United States of America is competent to undertake this task, is the first big idea of the 21st Century. It should be tested to destruction.
Since that colossal failure cannot come soon enough, the international media has not been too enthusiastic about the death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi last week. Despite a small victory George W. Bush, his neoconservative cabal, and Middle America just don’t get it.
On the other hand Austin Bay compares the war on terror with the Cold War against the Soviet Union and President Bush to President Truman. He writes:
Harry Truman prepared America for the Cold War -- and at West Point, Mr. Bush compared our time to that of Truman, circa 1950. Mr. Bush noted “Truman laid the foundation for freedom’s victory in the Cold War.” Then he said his own administration is “laying the foundation for victory” in our new long war.
In this new long war, what Norman Podhoretz has called World War IV, the strategy of containment that President Truman formulated in the pivotal NSC-68 of 1950 has been replaced with a new strategy that President Bush calls the “forward strategy of freedom.” Continues Austin Bay:
A “forward strategy of freedom” means fostering development of states where the consent of the governed creates legitimacy and where terrorists are prosecuted, not promoted. This strategy requires nation-building.
So Matthew Parris and Austin Bay are essentially agreed about the Bush strategy. The difference is that Parris experiences the Bush strategy as reckless hubris, a wild gesture of imperial overreach, and Austin Bay experiences it as sober realism, the first step in a long and arduous march.
The Bush forward strategy is merely a return to the default western strategy of the last half millennium. Before the First World War western nations believed that their destiny was to expand the light of reason and trade to the uttermost ends of the world, and they acted upon their beliefs. It was the Bolshevik menace and post colonial guilt, not to mention the exhaustion from two world wars, that forced the resort to containment.
Lee Harris states the western argument in Civilization and Its Enemies. The conflict in which we are engaged, he asserts, is one between the productive western team and the “eternal gang of ruthless men,” or more directly, between the adult men’s team and the teenage boys’ gang. The western team culture is one of service, transparency, trust, and the rule of law to mitigate power. But the eternal gang of ruthless men is a culture of pure power, of mistrust and routine betrayal.
At one pole is the world of global trade and commerce, with business enterprises obtaining finance in one country, design in other, parts from a third, and assembly in a fourth. It is a realm of trust that extends from one end of the global middle class to the other.
But then there is the world of the gang. It is a world of mistrust and betrayal, with thug lefty dictators, thug mullah dictators, thug secular dictators, thug populist military dictators, and just plain thugs like Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.
When you divide the world into productive teams and ruthless gangs then the analysis of Matthew Parris is absurd. If Bush fails then we just pick ourselves up and start again.
But would the next Democratic president do that? Will she review the forward strategy of freedom after the mess of Iraq and ratify it, as President Eisenhower in 1953 ratified the containment strategy of NSC-68 after the mess of the Korean War? Or will she reverse it? As of today, we do not know, and neither does she.
Let us return close to home. Perhaps the real conflict in the war on terror is not the battle of Iraq but the battles of Toronto, London, Madrid, and Denmark. The home-grown jihadis are not testing President Bush and the neoconservative project but something else. They are probing the west at its weakest point, the soft underbelly of the secular, single, childless welfare state beloved of the scribbling classes. They seem to be testing victimology, multiculturalism, and diversity to destruction.
In that case the only way to beat the jihadist menace would be to abandon the welfare state and repudiate its bribed apologists.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Freddy Arbuthnot
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
Civil Societya complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churchesbuilds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust
Tear down theory, poetic systems… No more rules, no more models… Genius conjures up
rather than learns… Victor Hugo
César Graña, Bohemian versus Bourgeois
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State
When we began first to preach these things, the people appeared as awakened from the sleep of agesthey seemed to see for the first time that they were responsible beings...
Finke, Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
A writer who says that there are no truths, or that all truth is merely relative, is asking you not to believe him. So dont.
Roger Scruton, Modern Philosophy
As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable...
[1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006
At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing
But the only religions that have survived are those which support property and the family.
Thus the outlook for communism, which is both anti-property and anti-family, (and also anti-religion), is not promising.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says we should....
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity
Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill