|What Gas-Guzzling Dinosaur?||The Travails of Labor and Education|
by Christopher Chantrill
August 27, 2006 at 11:53 am
BACK IN THE late 1940s, The New Yorker wants us to know, Richard Gosser, president of a United Auto Workers local in Toledo, Ohio, wanted to set up a union pension plan for the workers. Ten cents an hour was all it would cost to give the workers a decent retirement, writes Malcolm Gladwell in (http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/060828fa_fact) The Risk Pool.
The auto companies would have none of it. Instead they offered their own defined-benefit plans, each funded by the company.
Management guru Peter Drucker saw through the whole scheme immediately. In a 1950 article in Harpers he exposed the company pension plan idea as a mirage.
Drucker simply couldnt see how the pension plans on the table at companies like G.M. could ever work. For such a plan to give real security, the financial strength of the company and its economic success must be reasonably secure for the next forty years.
And he was right. Of course, the union pension plan hasnt been much better. But we dont mention such things at The New Yorker.
The lesson to take from the defined-benefit-plan debacle, according to Gladwell, is the importance of the dependency ratio, the ratio of workers to non-workers. A healthy pension plan depends on a favorable ration of workers to beneficiaries.
It is the job of wise policy experts, he implies, to devise how to spread the risks across society to solve the imbalances caused by the overweening pride of corporate management in the late 1940s and the inevitable swings of the dependency ratio.
Just a minute! Before we sign up for another generation of expert-driven national pension policy, let us step back a moment. Let us look at the whole picture, not the tendentious detail that Malcolm Gladwell wants us to see.
In 1950 the three bigs, Big Business, Big Labor, and Big Government were all offering the American people defined-benefit Ponzi schemes, whether corporate pensions, union pensions, or Social Security.
But all these top-down plans for social welfare have now failed, and failed because of the dependency ratio. Social Security started with a dependency ration of 22-to-1. Now its three-to-one, and soon it will be two-to-one. The unfunded liability amounts to trillions of dollars.
Nobody wants to deny New Yorker readers a breathless tale of proud Big Businessmen and the mysterious dependency ratio. They pay their money and they deserve a rattling good yarn.
You might not realize it from reading The New Yorker, but there is another way. But first, let us take a look at the dependency ratio. Malcolm Gladwell presents it as a fixed, immutable law of society. But of course it isnt.
The dependency ratio is not really fixed. It is only fixed because liberals jammed it. Let us look at how liberals jammed up the works: first of all, children.
Back in the bad old days we had this institution called child labor. Poor parents sent their children out to work. The artisan class sent their children to school to get a basic education for three or four years in literacy and numeracy. Then, at twelve or thirteen, they went out to work as apprentices. The middle class, of course, sent their children to school much longer. They could afford it.
Today, the average western nation keeps its children in government schools by law. Everyone agrees that education is a Very Good Thing for everyone, and child labor a Very Bad Thing. It must be true. One thing is for sure: universal compulsory primary and secondary education certainly messes up the dependency ratio.
In real life, of course, young people start work at different ages, for a host of different reasons.
The other thing that fixes the dependency ratio is the idea of a fixed retirement age. Bureaucrats, whether corporate, labor, or governmental, like one-size-fits-all programs. It makes life so much easier. Big Business wants to shift the bed-blockers out of the way with fixed retirement ages. Big Labor wants to reward their members with 30-years-and-out of their dead-end jobs. And Big Government wants to buy votes with taxpayers money.
In real life, of course, older people retire from work at different ages, for a host of different reasons.
The dependency ratio is meaningful only when you treat people like bumps on a log, as corporate headcount, as union rank-and-file, or as government beneficiaries.
A truly compassionate and sensitive political elite would have used its power back in 1950 to help ordinary people to provide for themselves without a helpless dependence on Big Anything.
Because in real life, its dependency ratio be damned. You retire when you can afford to.
Of course, some-people-through-no-fault-of-their-own-cannot- provide-for-themselves. But that is no excuse for the rest of us.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
Civil Societya complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churchesbuilds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust
Tear down theory, poetic systems... No more rules, no more models... Genius conjures up
rather than learns... Victor Hugo
César Graña, Bohemian versus Bourgeois
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State
When we began first to preach these things, the people appeared as awakened from the sleep of agesthey seemed to see for the first time that they were responsible beings, and that a refusal to use the means appointed was a damning sin.
Finke, Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
A writer who says that there are no truths, or that all truth is merely relative, is asking you not to believe him. So dont.
Roger Scruton, Modern Philosophy
As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable...
[1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006
At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing
But the only religions that have survived are those which support property and the family.
Thus the outlook for communism, which is both anti-property and anti-family, (and also anti-religion), is not promising.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says we should....
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity
Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism