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| What Did Senator-elect Jim Webb Mean? | God Rest Ye Merry Bureaucrats |
by Christopher Chantrill
December 11, 2006 at 11:33 am
THE FAILURE of the Republican Congress to reform education and Social Security shows that you cannot enact reform just because you have a majority in Congress. The voters saw that and properly decided that a can’t-do Congress needed to be retired.
We should learn from our current political elite, the progressive liberals. Their battle to secure decency and justice for working people and former slaves was not just a matter of winning elections and majorities in Congress. Their power issued from the moral case that they made to the great American middle class, a decent people with compassion for the less fortunate and the oppressed.
Today, we live in a new age of injustice. Yet today’s average liberal seems unconcerned about a government school system that delivers a mere 15 percent of adults as “proficient” in literacy and numeracy and utterly fails to educate the children of poor people. The average liberal seems unconcerned that the welfare state has wrecked the authentic culture of the working class and the African-American family. The average liberal seems unconcerned that Social Security and Medicare will impose swingeing taxes on the next generation of working people.
These injustices may be obvious to conservatives. But they are not yet the common currency circulating among the American people. That is why Republicans failed to reform education with the No Child Left Behind Act and Social Security with the president’s individual account plan.
Face it: Our modern liberals have compassion only for liberals and liberal political dependents. They lack the common decency of the great American middle class, so open to moral persuasion.
This means that the challenges facing our conservative insurgency will be greater than those facing the progressive insurgency of a century ago. Conservatives must not just make the moral case to win the hearts and minds of the American people; they must fight the liberal princes of privilege.
Ultimately, conservatives have to convince the American people that, far from being the beneficiaries of compassionate liberals who gave them worker rights, Social Security, civil rights, women’s rights, and so on, they are in fact the dupes of the liberal princes of privilege, taught to be grateful for scraps left over from the table of unjust and unaccountable liberal power.
The time to make a start is now, and Phil Kerpen of Americans for Prosperity is doing just that. Why would the White House sign on for a rumored Social Security compromise with Democrats that increases taxes and cuts benefits on the wealthy, he argues, if it doesn’t include a provision for individual accounts? Such measures, he writes,
are entirely about what’s best for government: They are about finding a way to make the books balance on paper so that the feds can keep spending our Social Security dollars on unrelated, wasteful programs.
Then he gets down to the basic injustice of the Social Security program.
Because I’m young, single, and male, Social Security promises me a 1.5 percent real rate of return. And that’s what it promises. What it can afford to pay is more like half a percent, which is more like passbook interest than an investment return.
Think about it. The US government diverts the retirement savings of American working people into vote buying programs and pays back the principal almost without interest. But it fully repays principal and market rates of interest to the foreign governments that invest in its notes and bonds. How do you spell INJUSTICE?
Who would have thought that the Democratic Party, the party of the little people, would one day be perfectly at ease with a government pension plan that stiffed ordinary working people in favor of rich foreign governments? But that is what power does to politicians and political movements. They end up more concerned about balancing the budget of a bloated government than in balancing the budgets of the American people.
We will not reform Social Security until it becomes shameful for a politician to defend the current unjust system. We will know when we get there. TV news anchors will unconsciously refer to “controversial Democratic opposition to the president’s plan to give every American an individual Social Security account” instead of “the president’s controversial plan to privatize Social Security.” They will frown at the “threat of a filibuster to the president’s pro-choice plan that puts teeth into every parent’s right to send their child to the school of their choice” instead of worrying about “the president’s plan to direct federal funds away from the public school system to private and sectarian religious schools.”
It will take an ideological insurgency to change the hearts and minds of the American people and, finally, the stony hearts of the mainstream media.
With Republicans just turned out of power, there will never be a better time to start constructing a new conservative narrative that will liberate the nation from liberal oppression. But it is not going to be easy. It is not going to be quick.
It will not be like the liberal “march through the institutions” of the last generation. It will have to be more than that. What is needed is a “march through the mind of America.”
The time to start is now.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists, she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican
[T]he way “to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,”
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300–301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State
[In the] higher Christian churches… they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill