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  An American Manifesto
Friday May 25, 2012 
by Christopher Chantrill Follow chrischantrill on Twitter

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A Bridge Too Far After Obama: Forgiveness

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Keynes: The End of a Bad Idea

by Christopher Chantrill
June 30, 2010 at 11:42 am

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EVERY BAD idea seems to have its Wordsworthian moment:

Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive
But to be young was very heaven.

The early enthusiasm for Keynesian economics certainly qualifies. The dawn of Keynes was very heaven, if you were young back then. But now we are at the moment when a new generation asks: What was all the fuss about?

Last weekend’s G-20 summit in Toronto issued a veiled rebuke to the Obama administration’s continuing appetite for Keynesian stimulus. In a veiled report in the New York Times, Sewell Chan and Jackie Calmes wrote that G-20 leaders called for

a timetable for cutting their deficits and halting the growth of their public debt, despite the Obama administration’s concern that reducing spending too quickly might set back the fragile global recovery.

In an un-veiled editorial the Wall Street Journal exulted over the dead end of Keynesian economics. Finally the Journal can report that idea of spending our way to prosperity is going out of style. The blissful dawn is ending in humiliation and failure.

What could ever be so exciting and new about giving governments an excuse to spend and print money? When have governments ever needed an excuse to spend and inflate? If you want excitement, go and get all tingly about limited government, the radical idea of limiting the power of government to spend and inflate.

But, you young ’uns will ask, how did this crazy Keynesian cult take over the minds of our parents and grandparents?

The answer is that it wasn’t easy. Even after decades of progressive and socialist propaganda it took a major government failure in the Great Depression of the 1930s.

In the depths of the Great Depression, capitalism had failed, “everyone” agreed. It was what we would now call a “consensus.”

Had capitalism really failed? Hardly. After World War I communism and fascism and social legislation were in the saddle, and government was bulking up all over.

When the Great Crash struck in 1929, progressives and socialists had managed to drive a stake through the heart of capitalism, but the heart was still beating. In the US there was a split between Progressive interventionists like President Hoover and sound money believers in the liquidation of malinvestments. In the middle of it all the clueless Federal Reserve Board split the difference and failed in its primary job to act as a lender of last resort. It rescued the banks that were too big to fail but not the banks that failed to be big.

Then along came Keynes and his book, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, and made inflationism and deficit spending no longer the last resort of a failed royal dynasty, but the first resort of a sophisticated cosmopolitan. No wonder “everyone” thought it was bliss to be alive.

The pièce de resistance of Keynes’ theory was the Multiplier. The more money the government spent the more it multiplied and would stimulate the economy. When economists actually got around to doing research on the Keynesian Multiplier, they found it didn’t work. See Barro and Redlick, “Stimulus Spending Doesn’t Work.”

Keynesian economics was a failure right of the the gate in the 1930s. That’s why the Great Depression lingered on as FDR and his Brains Trust tried one “bold persistent experimentation” after another.

It took six years of bold persistent failure, but the American people finally decided, in the off-year elections of 1938, they had had enough and sent 79 new Republicans to Congress. You can read all about it in Amity Shlaes’ The Forgotten Man and also at usstuckonstupid.com.

Thirty years later in the 1960s, liberals tried again and ended up sending a grade B Hollywood actor to the White House in 1980 in an inflationary recession.

Now it’s thirty years later, again, and the Keynesians are making one last college try. It’s not working any better than it did in the Great Depression and the 1970s. But there’s a difference. Back in the early 1930s the US government debt was a mere 25 percent of GDP. Now, in 2010, it is budgeted at about 95 percent of GDP. It’s one thing to throw borrowed money at uneconomic projects when the national debt is down at 25 percent. When the debt is at 95 percent of GDP the money power starts to murmur about the risk of sovereign default.

As we enter the end game of Keynesianism, the words of Pope John Paul II in the end game of a bad idea should inspire us once again. “Be not afraid.” Just as the Poles weren’t going to get rid of Communism without a struggle, we were never going to get rid of Keynesian economics on the cheap.

We won’t bury Keynesian economics until after Keynesian economics buries the liberals. Fortunately, as Marx might have said, history during the Obama administration is repeating itself as farce.

Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com.  His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.

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 TAGS


Civil Society

“Civil Society”—a complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churches—builds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust


What Liberals Think About Conservatives

[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. “Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists,” she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican


Liberal Coercion

[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State


Moral Imperatives of Modern Culture

These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self


US Life in 1842

Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism


Society and State

For [the left] there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in. No-one but the Minister, nowhere but Whitehall, no such thing as society - just them, and their laws, and their rules, and their arrogance.
David Cameron, Conference Speech 2008


Faith and Politics

As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable... [1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006


Never Trust Experts

No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe doctors, nothing is wholesome: if you believe the theologians, nothing is innocent: if you believe the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.
Lord Salisbury, “Letter to Lord Lytton”


Conservatism's Holy Grail

What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph


Class War

In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, “The Scientist as Rebel”


Government Expenditure

The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America


Conservatism

Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority — the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says ‘we should...’.
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity


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©2007 Christopher Chantrill