home  |  book  |  blogs  |   RSS  |  contact  |
  An American Manifesto
Friday May 25, 2012 
by Christopher Chantrill Follow chrischantrill on Twitter

TOP NAV

Home

Blogs

Opeds

Articles

Bio

Contact

BOOK

Manifesto

Sample

Faith

Education

Mutual aid

Law

Books

BLOGS 12

May 2012

Apr 2012

Mar 2012

Feb 2012

Jan 2012

BLOGS 11

Dec 2011

Nov 2011

Oct 2011

Sep 2011

Aug 2011

Jul 2011

Jun 2011

May 2011

Apr 2011

Mar 2011

Feb 2011

Jan 2011

BLOGS 10

Dec 2010

Nov 2010

Oct 2010

Sep 2010

Aug 2010

Jul 2010

Jun 2010

May 2010

Apr 2010

Mar 2010

Feb 2010

Jan 2010

BLOGS 09

Dec 2009

Nov 2009

Oct 2009

Sep 2009

Aug 2009

Jul 2009

Jun 2009

May 2009

Apr 2009

Mar 2009

Feb 2009

Jan 2009

BLOGS 08

Dec 2008

Nov 2008

Oct 2008

Sep 2008

Aug 2008

Jul 2008

Jun 2008

May 2008

Apr 2008

Mar 2008

Feb 2008

Jan 2008

BLOGS 07

Dec 2007

Nov 2007

Oct 2007

Sep 2007

Aug 2007

Jul 2007

Jun 2007

May 2007

Apr 2007

Mar 2007

Feb 2007

Jan 2007

BLOGS 06

Dec 2006

Nov 2006

Oct 2006

Sep 2006

Aug 2006

Jul 2006

Jun 2006

May 2006

Apr 2006

Mar 2006

Feb 2006

Jan 2006

BLOGS 05

Dec 2005

Nov 2005

Oct 2005

Sep 2005

Aug 2005

Jul 2005

Jun 2005

May 2005

Apr 2005

Mar 2005

Feb 2005

Jan 2005

BLOGS 04

Dec 2004

Trillions and Trillions The Liberal Culture of Compulsion

print view

Radical Suits and Their Suckers

by Christopher Chantrill
February 24, 2011 at 6:30 pm

|

BACK IN the 1970s my daughters used to say: “Let’s play princesses!” and a grand old time they had. I imagine that in progressive families, the cry was different. “Let’s play community organizers!” No doubt a grand old time was had by the baby radicals too.

The trouble is that some people don’t grow up. It’s one thing to play community organizers in the back yard when you are a kid. It’s another thing when real lives are at stake, as in Wisconsin.

A better name for “community organizer” is “radical suit,” because community organizers are really the lefty version of the corporate suits that fly in to the plant in their executive jets, issue just enough ridiculous orders to prove that they haven’t a clue, and then head back to the FBO and the next gig.

The definitive word on radical suits came out in 1885 in Zola’s Germinal. It tells the story of the radical suit Etienne Lantier, who hikes into town to organize the coal miners of northern France in their strike against the mine owners over wage cuts. By the time Etienne’s done helping, he’s provoked the miners into violence and death, and their wages get cut anyway. At the end of the novel, Etienne heads back to Paris for his next gig after watching the miners return, defeated, back to work. It’s a beautiful spring day, and he is dreaming revolutionary dreams, of “men springing up, a black avenging host... [that] would crack the earth asunder.” If you want to read the official history of the radical suits then Howard Zinn’s hagiography, A People’s History of the United States is the book for you.

For the best part of two centuries the radical suits have been playing the workers for suckers and it’s about time they got called on it. Let us look at three ways in which the radical suits lead their followers on a road to nowhere.

First of all, it’s almost always better for the workers if they don’t strike. Strikes are good for the union bosses, of course. That is what Sarah Palin was telling her “union brothers and sisters” in Wisconsin this weekend. Strikes are bad for the workers because they usually never make up the wages lost. And, of course, the strike damages the workers’ employer. (Not that there’s anything wrong with that where public education is concerned.)

Second, the radical suits are confirming the workers in their agricultural-age peasant culture that experiences the world as a fixed pie where you have to fight for your share or get it from a powerful patron. That’s just not how the world works any more; in today’s world you get ahead on your skills and your willingness to serve.

Third, the radical suits are tempting people with the siren song of political power. Give us just a little more political power, they sing, and we will make your life better. Tell that to the grass growing up in the streets of Detroit, to the millions that lost their homes in the housing bust. Political power turned to economic uses almost always ends up as a poisoned chalice, a destructive drug that turns peaceful cooperation into the morning-after squabbles of the zero-sum game.

Now we have the radical suits joyously flying to Wisconsin to lead public sector workers on a journey to nowhere, as Walter Russell Mead laments. The government workers in the streets of Madison, Wisconsin, he writes, are “regular Americans playing by the rules as they found them.” Unfortunately for them, the rules of the Big Unit social model are on the way out. The well-paid teachers of Wisconsin are stuck in a time warp.

Glenn Reynolds at Instapundit likes to tease us daily with talk about the higher education bubble. But think about the changes that K-12 education is facing. I recently talked to a high-school senior complaining about a lousy calculus teacher at his fancy-pants high school for the arts. No problem, of course, because this student was able to figure things out by watching the calculus YouTube videos from Kahn Academy. And he can take a ton of courses on-line.

Not to get too Marxist about this, but we are talking about the inevitability of a law of history. The productive forces are changing, and the social superstructure is going to have to change too. The liberal and the radical suits can help their Big Unit followers through the change or they can drive them into the ditch. It’s their choice.

Thus far, it seems like we are all condemned to watching endless reruns of W.C. Fields and Never Give a Sucker an Even Break.

Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com.  His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.

print view

To comment on this article at American Thinker click here.

To email the author, click here.

 

 TAGS


Civil Society

“Civil Society”—a complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churches—builds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust


What Liberals Think About Conservatives

[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. “Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists,” she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican


Liberal Coercion

[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State


Moral Imperatives of Modern Culture

These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self


US Life in 1842

Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism


Society and State

For [the left] there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in. No-one but the Minister, nowhere but Whitehall, no such thing as society - just them, and their laws, and their rules, and their arrogance.
David Cameron, Conference Speech 2008


Faith and Politics

As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable... [1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006


Never Trust Experts

No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe doctors, nothing is wholesome: if you believe the theologians, nothing is innocent: if you believe the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.
Lord Salisbury, “Letter to Lord Lytton”


Conservatism's Holy Grail

What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph


Class War

In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, “The Scientist as Rebel”


Government Expenditure

The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America


Conservatism

Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority — the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says ‘we should...’.
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity


mysql close

 

©2007 Christopher Chantrill